How Latin America Subsidizes the U.S.
RICARDO VALENZUELA
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Square, New York - one of the leading commercial areas in the United
States. Latin America's wealthy invest in the US, while Latin American
workers help Americans save $215 per year, the author points out.
(Photo: New York City Economic Development Corp) |
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The estimated $2 trillion of U.S. investments held by Latin America’s wealthy classes is essential to a U.S. economy.
THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI
The
growing populist sentiment in the United States against illegal
immigration likes to point out that not only do these migrants steal
U.S. jobs, they also send $50 billion back to Latin America each year
instead of spending it in the United States. In fact, the approximately
$2,000 per year sent home by the average working illegal migrant is
less than 15 percent of what he earns in the United States and far less
than what he contributes to the U.S. economy. A lesser known fact is
that wealthy Latin Americans hold $1.9 trillion in U.S. assets and
inject more than $100 billion in new investment each year into the U.S.
market, more than all remittances, direct foreign investment and aid
combined that flows from the United States to Latin America.
The
notion that the U.S. government or the American consumer is subsidizing
Latin America and its émigrés is factually wrong. The truth is the
reverse - Latin America and its migrants are subsidizing the American
way of life, not to mention the U.S. federal government deficit.
THE UPSIDE OF CHEAP LABOR
The
economic impact of illegal immigration in the United States is a debate
that has simmered for more than a decade. It is largely accepted that
the discounted wages earned by illegal migrants serve to depreciate or
freeze the wages of America’s lowest-skilled labor. Ostensibly, those
lower wages raise the profitability of the labor-intensive industries
where they work and provide significant savings to all American
consumers when those savings are passed on by business.
In 2004
the Washington-based Center for Immigration Studies published what many
regard as the most objective and quantifiable study of the economic
costs of illegal immigration. The High Cost of Cheap Labor – Illegal Immigration and the Federal Budget
provides a detailed analysis of the direct taxes paid and federal
budget costs borne by American households headed by illegal immigrants.
The study concludes that the average illegal household costs the
federal government $2,736 more in federal outlays than it produces by
way of direct tax revenue, or in aggregate terms, a $10.4 billion
federal tax deficit.
The cost side of the study’s analysis is
very thorough and includes the attribution of indirect federal costs,
such as infrastructure (i.e., road building, ports) and the justice
system, to these households. The cost analysis demonstrates that
households led by undocumented workers cost the government more than
the average U.S. household in food assistance, welfare programs,
treatment for uninsured and education, all reflecting the higher number
of children born into an undocumented household versus the U.S.
average. What the study fails to point out is that a large percentage
of those children are U.S. citizens, having been born here, even while
their parents are illegal immigrants. Furthermore, those children will
grow into tax-paying adults, a vital ingredient in the future viability
of the U.S. tax system, given the low birth rates among American-born
parents.
The study goes on to point out that undocumented
workers tend to shun many of the federal spending programs such as
social security, cash welfare programs, Medicaid and veteran benefits,
even while contributing to each.
The most glaring critique of
undocumented workers that emerges from the analysis is the fact that
they cost the U.S. taxpayer $791 per undocumented household in terms of
Immigration and Naturalization Service enforcement, court proceedings
and jail time. Most of these costs, however, come from the very
enforcement of an outdated and unrealistic immigration policy.
Last
but not least, the study presumes that legal households generate a
balanced budget, in contrast to the $10.4 billion deficit caused by
illegal immigrants. Yet, in 2002, the U.S. federal budget recorded a
$158 billion deficit, equal to $1,450 per household.
Even with
its obvious flaws in detail, the study fails to address the strongest
fiscal and financial arguments in support of the role of immigrant
labor, which fall outside the cost side of the tax ledger. The tax
revenue contribution attributed to undocumented workers misses the mark
precisely because it focuses exclusively on taxes paid by these people,
who in large numbers work in the untaxed cash economy. It fails to
recognize the additional taxable business profit generated by the
discounted wages of 7.2 million productive illegal immigrants or the
additional savings to consumers that is spent on taxable goods.
Excluding the positive economic impact of lower undocumented migrant
wages from the equation is like declaring the 8.1 billion hours of free
service by America’s 61 million volunteers as economically irrelevant.
Illegal
migrants work mostly in the agriculture and construction industries.
The National Homebuilders Association reported that in 2002, the
average new American home cost $298,412, of which $68,000 was spent on
the labor portion of the house. In a study by Barry Chiswick of the
University of Illinois in 2003, he estimated that the 14 percent of the
construction labor force made up of illegal workers provides a $5,000
per household savings to homebuilders. In 2002, 1.6 million homes were
built in the United States, so roughly $8 billion in additional profit
was realized by home builders or saved by consumers, equal to 7.3
percent of the labor cost of U.S. home building (i.e., undocumented
construction workers cost employers half the normal rate). In the $118
billion U.S. agriculture industry, illegal immigrants, who make up 24
percent of the labor force, helped save U.S. farmers and/or consumers
approximately $6.8 billion.
Illegal immigrants provide a
significant bottom line impact on many service industries across the
country. They represent 15 percent of the cleaning workforce and 12
percent of the food preparation workforce but reach as high as 47
percent of the meat-packing industry and 44 percent of the
horticultural sector. Wherever present, illegal workers push down the
cost of menial labor, providing savings to business and consumers.
According to the Pew Research Center, America’s 7.2 million illegally
immigrated workers make up 4.9 percent of the nation’s workforce.
Assuming that illegal labor normally works for ½ of the fully burdened
cost of documented workers (including employment taxes and insurance),
then their collective work effort generates an estimated $64 billion in
savings, the spoils of which are divided between business and
consumers. If employers hoard the savings for themselves, they pay an
additional $12.9 billion in business taxes to Uncle Sam. If all those
savings are passed onto consumers, then every American can thank their
Mexican handymen and gardeners, Ecuadorian kitchen staff, Colombian
nannies, and Honduran fruit-pickers for approximately $215 per year the
hard work of those people saves them.
What these numbers
reveal is what hard-working Latino workers have always known – that
they contribute far more to the U.S. economy than they cost.