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FEATURE ARTICLE |
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Why I’m Not 100% libertarian
Starchild Date: 0000-00-00 Subject: Communities With
libertarian ideas gaining increasing exposure and support -- and clearly not a
year too soon! " general awareness of what it means to be libertarian is on the
rise. A
"Libertarian", in the United States, is generally considered to be
someone who is a member of the Libertarian Party, or someone who is registered
to vote with the Libertarian Party.Thus most Libertarians are people with
strongly libertarian views, but not all people with strongly libertarian
views are Libertarians. So
whether someone is a Libertarian or not is pretty cut and dried, just as it’s a
simple factual matter to determine whether someone is a Democrat or a
Republican, when those terms are capitalized (as with “libertarian”, it also
means something different to be a “democrat” or to be “republican”). The
question of what makes someone a libertarian, however, is
far trickier. And after years of thinking about this kind of stuff as an
activist and dare I say movement intellectual, I've come to feel that when we
ask whether someone is a libertarian or not, we are not phrasing that question
quite as well as we could. And
yet there are many self-identified libertarians who never experience this sense
of the philosophy as a grand cosmic law, but still manage to reach pro-freedom
stances on many different issues simply because they see that non-aggression
works better. The
danger with coming to support freedom from this angle, of course, is that you’re
always susceptible to supporting statism on the next issue that comes along, if
somebody temporarily figures out a way to make the trains run on time (or to
give them the appearance of being on time!), making it tempting to say that
only those who perceive the connecting web of the Non-Aggression Principle are
truly libertarian. But that would be too easy, because people who know about,
understand, and support the philosophical idea of non-aggression at the heart
of the libertarian philosophy do not always take more pro-freedom stands on the
issues, or practice non-aggression more consistently in their lives, than those
who do not. I
readily concede that while I have very strongly libertarian views on most
issues, I'm not 100% libertarian myself. Forcing persons credibly accused of
violating the life, liberty, or property of others to stand trial against their
will is one of many scenarios in which I among many other generally libertarian-minded
persons might condone the use of aggression. Committing theft or trespass in
order to save your life (or someone else’s) under conditions where you know the
property owner would not consent is another. And I’m not even going to get into
the circumstances where I’ve failed to live up to the Non-Aggression Principle
in practice. I’m
not particularly ashamed however, because during my time in the freedom
movement I'm not sure I've ever met anyone who claims to consistently advocate
and follow the Non-Aggression Principle and uphold it as the best course of
action in every hypothetical situation. This
realization that virtually no one is 100% libertarian got me thinking about
when and how we should use the label. Is it legitimate to call someone
libertarian who believes that public policy should be based on the
Non-Aggression Principle in 99% of all cases? How about 95%? 90%? 80%? 60%?
51%? It seems to me that no threshold of this sort can be chosen which would
not be arbitrary. So
while I understand that saying "so-and-so is a libertarian" or
"so-and-so is not a libertarian" is a convenient form of shorthand
which has its appropriate uses, I contend that it is not technically accurate.
When used injudiciously, I think it can be counter-productive. Why
does this matter? What's wrong with saying "Joe is a libertarian"?
After all, we might say "Joe is a happy person" if Joe seems
generally content and cheerful in his life, and accept this as a legitimate
statement even if we know Joe gets very sad or angry from time to time. I
got this insight from talking with people about veganism. Most people aren't
ready to stop eating meat (or meat and dairy products, in the case of vegans)
altogether. But this doesn't mean they can't reduce animal suffering and
benefit their health and the environment by becoming more
vegetarian or vegan than they are now. If someone just hears or thinks
"I'm not a vegetarian", it tends to kind of close the door and end
discussion or thought on the topic. So rather than focusing on whether someone
who eats meat "is" or "isn't" vegetarian overall, I like to
frame the issue a bit differently. Consider, for example: How vegetarian are
you going to be when you eat breakfast tomorrow? How vegan are you going to be
when you go shopping today? Such questions can make the daunting idea of “becoming
vegan” less of a stumbling block. The
same is true I think with libertarianism. When we make it clear that being
libertarian is not an all-or-nothing proposition, it encourages people to think
more deeply about the libertarian perspective on various issues, because even
if they are not willing to budge an inch on one particular issue, they may be
open to considering a libertarian approach in another context. If someone hears
she is “not libertarian”, she may look at libertarianism (or the LP) as
something she’s totally against, or that just isn't her. But if that person
realizes that she is libertarian in some respects, she may be more open
to other libertarian ideas. (I should clarify here that I was not a fan of the “you
ARE a libertarian” slogan used by Gary Johnson’s generally admirable 2012
presidential campaign " that goes too far in the other direction. But “you
might be libertarian”, especially if applied on an issue-by-issue basis, seems
like decent phrasing.) This
more nuanced way of thinking and speaking also discourages people whose views
are mostly libertarian from resting on their laurels. If I take it for
granted that “I’m already a libertarian”, it’s easy to assume I don’t need to
spend any more effort on my own continuing process of education and
radicalization, and that there’s no real need to examine and think about those
issues where I may see aggression as justified. If
you are talking with someone whose views are not as pro-freedom as yours on an
issue and come across like, “Libertarianism is the answer, and I’m a
libertarian and you’re not,” people may resent what they perceive as an attempt
to put yourself on a moral high horse, and “punish” you by refusing to consider
the ideas you’re trying to communicate. But if you describe yourself as someone
with a lot of libertarian views who has become more libertarian over time but
isn’t perfectly libertarian, and concede that there are situations in life where
the most libertarian approach may not be the best approach, the other person is
more likely to appreciate your honest, humble, and non-dogmatic stance and be
more open to further exploring libertarian ideas. With
its incredible potential for improving life on earth, understanding the
philosophy of freedom is something to be proud of! But those
who identify as libertarian and take pride in that label should be wary of the
temptation to redefine libertarianism to mean whatever they personally
happen to believe! This allows them to justify claiming their own views to be
100% libertarian without actually adopting views in accord with the
Non-Aggression Principle. Clearly defining libertarianism as non-aggression, to
yourself as well as to others, is a way to avoid that mental trap. On
most public policy issues, the NAP offers pretty clear guidance on what the
libertarian position is. Taxation, for instance " government coercively taking
money from people without their individual consent " is clearly aggression.
There’s an argument to be made that this type of aggression is justified
" and obviously the vast majority of people in society believe it is
justified " but just as obviously this is not and can never be, the libertarian
position on the issue. Interfering
with people’s global freedom of movement, or choices about what they put into
their own bodies " again clearly aggression, as long as they are not
trespassing on private property and what they are putting into their bodies
belongs to them or they have the owner’s permission. Of
course there are some issues where thoughtful people may reasonably differ over
the correct interpretation of the Non-Aggression Principle and therefore reach
different conclusions as to which public policy best reflects libertarianism. Abortion
is the classic example of such an issue. If you believe that life begins at
conception, then it is aggression to abort a fetus, and the use of force to
defend that life is justifiable in libertarian terms. But if you believe life
begins at birth, then trying to stop a woman from having an abortion
constitutes aggression against her, and cannot be justified under libertarian
theory. And of course there are a whole range of possible libertarian positions
in between these two poles, relating to considerations such as early and late
term abortions, abortions in the case of pregnancies due to rape, etc. In fact
the relationship between children and their parents or guardians poses a number
of thorny philosophical issues which are too complex to explore here. I
say no, a thousand times no. Our libertarianism is what we in the libertarian
movement and the Libertarian Party have in common. It’s what inspires us
and brings us together. Although as I said I admit not being 100% libertarian
on a personal level, I nevertheless think that the Libertarian Party as an organization always should be! I would be delighted to
support a party more radical than I am myself. Why
should I urge that the political party I belong to take positions that I know I
personally disagree with? Is this hopelessly contradictory? I don’t think so.
Clearly there is a tension there, but I see it as no more problematic than the
tension between personally opposing something, e.g. the existence of the Ku
Klux Klan, while still believing that it should be legal. While that paradox
remains beyond the comprehension of many in society, I think it is familiar to
and understood by most self-identified libertarians. Insisting
on a libertarian Libertarian Party as a way to more harmoniously and
productively work together with others who value freedom even while recognizing
that we may have strongly different views about what constitutes the good life
is not any stranger a concept. Let’s
try an analogy. Thai food might be my favorite cuisine, but I don't want it for
dinner every night. When I go to a Thai restaurant however, I’m looking for
Thai food. While it would be wonderful to find a “perfect” restaurant that had
everything I like to eat on its menu and nothing that I don’t, completely
mirroring my (mostly hypothetical) preferences for eating Thai food about 30%
of the time, Indian food 20% of the time, and Chinese, Japanese, French,
Italian and Ethiopian cuisine each about 10% of the time, how likely is it that
a restaurant catering so specifically to my individual tastes could thrive?
Even if I hypothetically organized a group of diners with tastes similar to
mine to buy the neighborhood Thai restaurant and gain total control over what
type of food to serve, each of us attempting to craft the menu to please our
own individual palates would inevitably lead to conflict over how many Thai
entrees there should be relative to the selection of Indian food, French fare,
and so on. And if the establishment continued to call itself a Thai restaurant,
it would likely face a lot of confused and dissatisfied customers. Better that
I simply let the Thai restaurant be a Thai restaurant, and when I want Italian
food, go eat at the Italian place. This
is sort of the situation we face in the Libertarian Party. There’s an old (and
mostly true!) joke along the lines of how if you get 10 libertarians in a room,
you’ll find 11 different opinions. As opinionated people who care about making
the world a better place, there is a natural tendency for each of us active in
the LP to try to get the party’s ideology to reflect our own precise set of
beliefs as closely as possible. To the extent we succumb to the temptation
however, we needlessly divert energy into unproductive political battles, just
as we do when we ignore the Dallas Accord and start fighting over whether the
party should embrace anarchy or minarchy. (The Dallas Accord was the informal
agreement reached by party members at the LP’s 1974 convention in Dallas,
Texas, to set aside that fight until such time as we may have achieved a largely
free society, and agree to have party communications and materials not
semantically preclude either limited government or no government at all as
being our eventual goal.) Instead
of struggling to make the Libertarian Party’s platform and messaging match our
own individual beliefs, imagine if we were to make a pact that the LP should
take libertarian positions and only libertarian positions, as defined by
the consensus interpretation of the Non-Aggression Principle among party
members. With such an agreement in effect, anyone with strongly libertarian
views could be fairly certain of agreeing with most of what the LP stands for,
even if none of us found the entire package to be precisely ideal. Most of us
could even hypothetically be quite open about our personal disagreement with
certain LP positions (e.g. no laws against individual ownership of nuclear
weapons), and there would be no harm in this, nor would the party platform need
to spell out verbatim every such radical or controversial implication of
adhering to the Non-Aggression Principle, so long as it was clearly understood
and agreed by LP members that the party’s mission to oppose legal aggression
would be upheld and respected (ideally, voting membership in the party would be
conditioned upon acceptance of this). With
such an approach, the Libertarian Party would become like a train chugging
steadily north on the Nolan Chart created by and named after the party’s
principal founder David Nolan (see http://freedomkeys.com/whoshould4.htm). |