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Ernest Hancock Website: www.ernesthancock.com Date: 11-17-2009 Subject: Declare Your Independence with Ernest Hancock Tuesday November 17th 2009 Broadcast on Monday - Friday 4pm - 6pm Central DST Karen Kwiatkowski - http://lewrockwell.com http://militaryweek.com
- Neo-Cons in the Pentagon.
Karen is a retired Lt. Col. from the US Army that worked the North
African intel desk in the Pentagon. She is now under attack for her
articles detailing the influence of builders of "The Empire".
Guest: Karen Kwaitkowski
Subject: Pentagon, Neo Cons, Empire Building Ernest Hancock shares his predictions on what is to come after the revalations in the New Pentagon Papers published at http://www.salon.com written by Lt. Col. Karen Kwaitkowski
Guest: Ernest Hancock
Subject: New Pentagon Papers, Neo Cons, Matrix Database, Homeland Security, Karen Kwaitkowski Karen Kwiatkowski - http://lewrockwell.com http://militaryweek.com
- Neo-Cons in the Pentagon.
Karen is a retired Lt. Col. from the US Army that worked the North
African intel desk in the Pentagon. She is now under attack for her
articles detailing the influence of builders of "The Empire".
Guest: Karen Kwaitkowski
Subject: Pentagon, Neo Cons, Empire Building, Media Three days from now, after a half century of service of our
country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in
traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is
vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and
farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who
will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be
blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find
essential agreement on questions of great moment, the wise resolution
of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with Congress, which began on a remote and
tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to
West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and
immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent
during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration
have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation well
rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of
the nation should go forward. So my official relationship with Congress
ends in a
feeling on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much
together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has
witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved
our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the
strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the
world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that
America's leadership and prestige
depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and
military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of
world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, such basic
purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human
achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among
peoples and among nations.
To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension
or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us a grievous hurt, both
at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by
the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention,
absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope,
atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method.
Unhappily
the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it
successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and
transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to
carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a
prolonged and complex struggle â€" with liberty the stake. Only thus
shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course
toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether
foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to
feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the
miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in the
newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to
cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and
applied research â€" these and many other possibilities, each possibly
promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we
wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in light of a broader consideration;
the need to maintain balance in and among national programs â€" balance
between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost
and hoped for advantages â€" balance between the clearly necessary and
the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements
as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual;
balance between the actions of the moment and the national welfare of
the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it
eventually
finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and
their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have
responded to them well in the face of threat and stress.
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only. A vital element in keeping the peace is our military
establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so
that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that
known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting
men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had
no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time
and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk
emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to
create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to
this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in
the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more
than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a
large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total
influence â€" economic, political, even spiritual â€" is felt in every
city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We
recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not
fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and
livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the
acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by
the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise
of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our
liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted.
Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing
of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our
peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper
together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in
our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution
during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central, it also
becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing
share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal
government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been
overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing
fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically
the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has
experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of
the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a
substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there
are now hundreds
of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal
employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present
â€" and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect,
as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger
that public policy could itself become the captive of a
scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to
integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of
our democratic system â€" ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our
free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of
time. As we peer into society's future, we â€" you and I, and our
government â€" must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering
for, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of
tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren
without asking the loss also of their
political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all
generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America
knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid
becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a
proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must
come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we,
protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That
table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned
for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing
imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with
arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so
sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official
responsibilities
in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has
witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war â€" as one who
knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which
has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years â€" I wish
I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress
toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be
done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can
to help the world advance along that road.
So â€" in this my last good night to you as your President â€" I
thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public
service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some
things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to
improve performance in the
future.
You and I â€" my fellow citizens â€" need to be strong in our faith
that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice.
May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but
humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may
have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied
opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for
freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have
freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who
are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the
scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear
from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will
come to live together in a peace
guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.
Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it. Thank you, and good night. |
